T he TripAdvisor reviews for Vilina Vlas spa hotel are mixed. Only a couple mention the rape camp it once was — and if you do not speak French or German you would miss them. The rest are a mix of mundane complaints about dirty rooms, and enthusiastic tributes to the forest and its natural hot springs. And though the mattresses may have been changed, and the walls repainted, the bed frames that tourists sleep on today are the same ones on which dozens of women were attacked. The dated lobby is floored with the same stone that in had to be hosed clean of blood, and visitors using the swimming pool splash around in what was a killing ground. While the war was horrific enough, the peace that followed brought new torment for the victims of Vilina Vlas. Hotel business resumed at the squat, red-roofed building: the rape camp was returned to use for tourists without even a change of furniture — much less a memorial. His offices suggest his disdain for history is selective.
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Now I just want to look at them. Holding the scratched transparencies and reading my notes, brings me back to those women and the process of finding them, which is maybe the most important part of this kind of work, the getting to the photograph. For those interested, here are stories from some of the women I met. All photographs C Nina Berman
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Nearly a quarter of a century after the devastating war in which about , Bosnians died, the stories of the children conceived through wartime rape remain mostly unspoken because of the stigma attached to rape victims and because children were not told of their origins. Between 25, and 50, women and girls are believed to have been raped by enemy soldiers during the Bosnian war, according to research by some non-government organisations. Nobody knows for sure how many children were born as a result. Some rapes were also committed by foreign soldiers serving in Bosnia with United Nations peacekeeping forces. There Jusic was registered as a child born of rape.
Rape during the Bosnian War was a policy of systemic violence, which assumed a gender-targeted and mass form. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ICTY declared that "systematic rape" and "sexual enslavement" in time of war was a crime against humanity , second only to the war crime of genocide. Although the ICTY did not treat the mass rapes as genocide, many have concluded from the organized, and systematic nature of the mass rapes of the female Bosniak Bosnian Muslim population, that these rapes were a part of a larger campaign of genocide, [12] [13] [14] and that the VRS were carrying out a policy of genocidal rape against the Bosnian Muslim ethnic group. The trial of VRS member Dragoljub Kunarac was the first time in any national or international jurisprudence that a person was convicted of using rape as a weapon of war. The widespread media coverage of the atrocities by Serbian paramilitary and military forces against Bosniak women and children, drew international condemnation of the Serbian forces. According to Amnesty International , the use of rape during times of war is not a by-product of conflicts, but a pre-planned and deliberate military strategy. The second aim is to reduce the likelihood of return and reconstitution by inflicting humiliation and shame on the targeted population. These effects are strategically important for non-state actors, as it is necessary for them to remove the targeted population from the land.
